Truly a disease of civilization- Tuberculosis

The observation that atomic number 65 deathrate was lower or rare amongst butchers led to the rubbing of pad and oils on affected parts of the skin.

Cures for consumption or pulmonary tuberculosis could kill the afflicted patient as easily as those used for systemic tuberculosis; copper sulphate, potassium nitrate, tartrate of antimony, benzoquinone and creosote with hydrocyanic acid were solely popular. Prepared inhalations were common treatments as early as 1830, when sulphuretted hydrogen and coal gasolene joined the list of iodine and seaweed vapours. By the 1860's, entire populate were constructed to aloneow patients to lie mint, breathing gas, oxygen and vapours. Not all subscribed to the wealth of chemical paraphernalia used in 'cures'. Dr. George Bodington of Great Britain argued against the starvation, bleeding, purging and terrible blistering of the afflicted (Keers 68-69). He proposed instead removal to clean, open air, a light, healthy nutriment and exercise--describing what would later take form as the ideal sanitorium environment.

In a review of health conditions in 'old New York' preceding to 1898), Drolet and Lowell note that only the vaguest notions of sanitary conditions prevailed (1-2). Childhood distempers such as diptheria and scarlet fever were thought due to "climatic conditions, to fear, or to the will of God", and superstition prevailed over any physique of germ theory. Very few tenements had water closets in the house. Whe

Smith, F. B. The Retreat of Tuberculosis. 1850-1950. London: Croom Helm, 1988.

Rubin notes that much of the pivotal medical associations of etiology began with RenT Ladnnec who, prompted by the need to more(prenominal) fully investigate pulmonary diseases, invented the stethoscope in 1816. Considered one of the leaders of the attack on tuberculosis, he originated nomenclature and diagnostic techniques so accurate that they are still used today 621-622). He decried the common practice of bleeding lunger patients (to death, in the contingency of poet John Keats), subscribing instead to 'climate therapy'--the benefits of open spaces and sea air (Keers 67). His daring work against the disease cost him his life; he succumbed to it in 1826.

Barnes, David.

The Making of a Social Disease. Tuberculosis in Nineteenth-Century France. University of atomic number 20 Press, 1995.

Rubin, Sanford. Tuberculosis, Captain of All These Men of Death. (from Radiologic Clinics of North America, Volume 33, offspring 4, July 1995. Ed. Philip Goodman. W. B. Saunders, 1995.)

While tuberculosis was the leading cause of death in 19th France, resistance to the idea that tuberculosis was a communicable, germ-caused indisposition was as common there as elsewhere. Barnes observes that in 1830, it was considered 'an individual, inscrutable, all but random killer, probably hereditary and somehow cerebrate to passion" (50). This notion that the killer was somehow tied to delirious instability led to a romantic, literary idea of the disease that is unparalleled in history. Incidence was associated with artists and highly strung, creative personalities; tuberculosis claimed the lives of Chopin, Keats, Stevenson, and likely the entire Bronte family. By 1840, being a consumptive woman was, to certain minds, significant with "heightened emotion and sensitivity, and a cognitive content for redemptive suffering" (Barnes 13-14).

R. Y. Keers. Pulmonary tuberculosis. A Journey down the Centuries. London: Bail
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